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The anemic blooming character agenda in Nurul Hoque’s easily is broken and brittle. Time has achromatic the angel of his grandfather, taken years before, to a apparitional outline.

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The beat certificate is his grandfather’s decades-old character agenda from Myanmar. It’s proof, Nurul says, that he and his ancestors are applicable citizens of a country that now rejects them.

“It’s all we accept left,” Nurul says, agreement the achromatic agenda on a attenuate sleeping mat in his family’s new home: a chiffon covering perched on a acropolis in southern Bangladesh’s sprawling Rohingya refugee camps.

The certificate and those captivated by added families in the camps are reminders of lives larboard behind, clung to with the abroad achievement that they ability one day admittance a acknowledgment to Myanmar. But they’re additionally a almanac of the authoritative and generally bizarre means in which Rohingya in Myanmar accept been systematically bare of citizenship, belonging, and their actual identity.

The catechism of citizenship in Myanmar strikes at the amount of alternating behavior and accomplishments that accept disenfranchised, trapped, and now evicted hundreds of bags of Rohingya.

The Muslim Rohingya may be the best-known archetype of statelessness in Myanmar, but several other indigenous minorities abatement abhorrent of its accidental and selectively activated citizenship laws. Created in 1982 by Myanmar’s then-ruling aggressive junta, the law favours the majority Bamar association and others advised to be amid the country’s “national races” and excludes others from abounding citizenship.

The government continues to body its adjourned citizenship affairs on the 1982 law, which stipulates that alone associates of indigenous groups that acclimatized aural Myanmar afore the British acquisition in 1824 are automatically acceptable for abounding citizenship. But rights groups and the Rohingya themselves see the law added starkly: an attack to accomplish an exceptionable citizenry stateless.

“The Rohingya were fabricated stateless in adjustment to absolve excluding them,” says Chris Lewa from  The Arakan Project, a Southeast Asia-based rights ecology group.

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Myanmar’s aggressive launched a agitated crackdown beyond arctic Rakhine State aftermost August, afterwards a accumulation of Rohingya fighters staged attacks on badge and bound posts. Nurul and his ancestors aing added than 670,000 bodies who swept across the bound into Bangladesh.

Most Rohingya absent about aggregate in the exodus, artifice on bottom with whatever they could carry. One analysis in Bangladesh’s refugee camps estimated that 94 percent of the new arrivals had no identification whatsoever. But some Rohingya families like Nurul’s rushed to save their now-scarce character cards.

A boundless arrangement of official character abstracts broadcast amid some Rohingya refugees: beat allotment affidavit like the blooming agenda acceptance to Nurul’s grandfather, frayed and yellowing acting cards that replaced them, alike channelled up pieces of cardboard that served as receipts aback the aftermost official abstracts were bare away.

Over decades in Myanmar, anniversary anatomy of ID was declared invalid or taken from the Rohingya; anniversary backup agitated beneath rights and added restrictions.

The achromatic blooming agenda acceptance to Nurul’s grandfather, clearly alleged a civic allotment card, was accustomed to non-foreign macho association of Myanmar, again accepted as Burma, afterwards 1951. Female association accustomed a blush equivalent.

In 1982, however, Myanmar’s then-ruling band allowable its new ethnicity-based citizenship laws. Authorities calm the blooming and blush allotment cards from the Rohingya, afterwards replacing them with “white cards” — acting abstracts that larboard a bearing of Rohingya in accustomed limbo.

Understanding the accent of their grandfather’s blooming card, Nurul’s ancestors active the certificate abysmal in the arena rather than handing it in.

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“We had to accumulate it as safe as possible,” he says.

Before his ancestors fled Myanmar aftermost year, Nurul agilely dug up the old ID, demography it to Bangladesh forth with a few old photos and his own newer white card. Nurul closed the decrepit cards and photos in artificial casings afterwards he arrived. Aback he goes to beddy-bye at night, he places all the abstracts calm beneath his pillow.

His admired ID cards may be abandoned in Myanmar, but for Nurul, they’re the alone abstracts that appearance he already belonged.

“Maybe the day will appear that I charge the cards to prove breadth we are from,” Nurul says.

“There are no Rohingya in Myanmar” is a byword heard on a approved base in teashops, at nationalist rallies, and alike in Myanmar’s parliament. A administrator recently asked the government to clearly acknowledge that Myanmar does not accept a Rohingya ethnicity. Instead, abounding in Myanmar alarm the accumulation “Bengali” — a cheeky nod to their perceived origins, and a characterization that best Rohingya absolutely reject.

The Rohingya accept a long history in the breadth now accepted as Rakhine State. But to abounding in Myanmar, they’re apparent as intruders from Bangladesh.

See: The roots and risks of Myanmar’s new Rohingya insurgency

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Long afore aftermost year’s exodus, Rohingya in Myanmar faced ascent restrictions that concise their accustomed movements. Amnesty International calls it “a abandoned arrangement of state-sponsored, institutionalised bigotry that amounts to apartheid”.

Hasina Khatun, 40, accomplished Bangladesh aftermost September afterwards a 13-day airing from her burnt apple in arctic Rakhine. In the antecedent bristles years, she says, bounded authorities had barred fishermen from her apple from activity out to sea, acid off their capital antecedent of aliment and income.

But she additionally recalls a time aback things were different. Her father, she says, was already a aborigine of Myanmar, able to biking advisedly and conduct business. A bearing later, Hasina wasn’t accustomed to leave her home afterwards sunset.

Like Nurul’s family, Hasina hid her father’s blooming card, apprehensive that she ability not get an appropriately admired certificate in return. Aftermost September, Hasina says, soldiers set blaze to her home in Rakhine State. Afore she fled, she jumped into the afire home to deliver her family’s character documents.

Her neighbours told her she was crazy to try article so dangerous. But to her, the abstracts are invaluable.

“I absent my money, but at atomic I could save the ID cards,” she says. “They are added important to us anyway. They appearance that we were already a allotment of Myanmar.”

There are 135 clearly recognised indigenous groups in Myanmar. The Rohingya aren’t one of them.

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Nick Cheesman, a researcher at the Australian Civic University who has advised how law is acclimated for political purposes in Myanmar, says the alienated 1982 citizenship law laid the background for ethnicity to be affronted so carefully to citizenship. While Cheesman says the law is still technically ample abundant to admission citizenship to the Rohingya, in practice, it has been acclimated to shut them out.

“In Myanmar, associates of a civic chase has surpassed citizenship,” he says. “Consequently the Rohingya try to be recognised as such, which makes added groups in the country angry.”

Even with the majority of arctic Rakhine’s Rohingya citizenry now ousted from the country, new forms of identification accumulate axle up.

Myanmar authorities appetite the Rohingya to administer for yet addition blazon of ID: “national analysis cards”, allotment of a awful criticised multi-step citizenship process. While the government says cardholders will eventually be able to administer for citizenship, best Rohingya banned to assurance up, aflutter that yet addition new identification agenda would leave them alike worse off than before.

The action additionally initially appropriate Rohingya to self-identify as “Bengali” — a deal-breaker for best Rohingya. As of the end of aftermost year, alone about 7,600 of these cards had been issued aback 2010, according to government statistics.

In Bangladesh’s refugee camps, authorities accept registered the admission refugees using biometric data. The consistent apparent cards analyze cardholders as “Myanmar nationals”. For best Rohingya now active in the camps, the cards are the alone official ID attached them aback to their home.

See: The risks of registering the Rohingya

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Before 55-year-old Lalu fled Myanmar aftermost year, authorities there affected him to acknowledgment his “white card”, which the government invalidated in 2015. While these acting cards fell far abbreviate of any anatomy of accustomed citizenship, they had still acceptable Rohingya holders to vote in elections, until the 2015 accepted acclamation that saw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Civic League for Democracy ambit to power.

In barter for his white card, authorities handed Lalu a blooper of paper.

“Look at this abominable thing,” Lalu says, amplification a blueish-green receipt.

He says authorities in Myanmar told him he could go anywhere with the document. “But in reality, I couldn’t alike move one kilometre,” he says bitterly.

Still, he holds on to the receipt, folding the cardboard six times and putting it aback in his pocket.

“Maybe one day I’ll charge it.”

(TOP PHOTO: Afore his ancestors fled Myanmar aftermost year, Nurul Hoque dug up his grandfather’s old ID, demography it with him to Bangladesh forth with old photos and his own identification cards. He hopes they will one day advice prove breadth he is from. Verena Hölzl/IRIN)

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(Photos of identification cards accept been edited to aish claimed information)

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